Autocratic leaders can sometimes act in reckless ways to hold on to power. This appears to be the case with Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro who is up for re-election in 2024. To rally supporters for his party, weakened by U.S. economic sanctions, he has reignited claims over the disputed Guayana Esequiba territory, an issue known to unite Venezuelans across political divides.

Last Sunday, December 3, 2023, President Maduro held a national consultative Referendum to determine the people’s position on Venezuela’s longstanding claim over Guyana’s Essequibo Region (see captioned Map of Guyana with highlighted disputed territory). In so doing, Maduro’s regime ignored the objections of Guyana’s leadership and the order issued by the International Court of Justice (ICJ) on December 1, 2023, to “refrain from taking any action which would modify the situation that currently prevails in the territory in dispute, whereby the Co-operative Republic of Guyana administers and exercises control over that area.”

The day after the Referendum, the president of the National Electoral Council announced overwhelming support for annexing Guayana Esequiba. The following results represent the percent of YES votes of the alleged 10.5 million participants (approximately 50 percent of the electorate) to five questions raised for their consideration:

1. Do you reject the Paris Arbitral Award of 1899? – 97.99%
2. Do you support the 1966 Geneva Agreement as the only valid legal instrument for resolving the controversy? – 98.26%
3. Do you agree with Venezuela’s position of not recognizing the International Court of Territorial Justice as arbitrator? – 96.31%
4. Do you oppose Guyana’s attempt to assert control over the [Atlantic] Ocean pending delimitation? – 96.34%
5. Do you agree with the creation of the State of Guayana Esequiba and incorporating said state into the map of Venezuela’s territory? – 96.33%

“With the delivery of the notification of the will of the Venezuelan people in the consultative referendum, a new stage begins in the defense of Essequibo,” Maduro said during the official presentation, emphasizing that “now we are going to recover our territory of Guayana Essequiba.” He also made it very clear to the Guyanese people, the ICJ, and other leaders across the region and beyond that “This referendum is binding and, as Head of State, I abide by the popular mandate.”

On Tuesday, December 5, President Maduro announced seven steps for implementation of the new phase in annexation of Guyana’s Essequibo Region:

1. Creation of a new High Commission for the Defense of Guayana Esequiba.
2. Immediate activation of debate for approval of the Organic Law for the Defense of the Guayana Esequiba.
3. Creation of a Zone of Integral Defense in Tumeremo [see location in top left of captioned Map of Guyana].
4. Designation of Major General Alexis Rodríguez Cabello as Sole Authority with headquarters in Tumeremo.
5. Division of [annexed] region for exploration and exploitation of gas, oil, and mining.
6. Publication and dissemination of the new Map of Venezuela [shown below] to all schools and universities nationwide.
7. Activation of an Integral Social Attention Plan for the population of Guayana Esequiba, including Census [compilation] and issuance of identification cards.

No mention was made in the December 5 statement about the final clause in the Draft Organic Law for the Defense of the Guayana Esequiba, unanimously approved by Venezuela’s National Assembly on December 6, which reads:

“[T]he creation of a special law for companies with illegal concessions to withdraw, within three months, from the promulgation of this law, and the recovery of the Guayana Esequiba through approval of a decree creating areas and new national [oil drilling] parks.”

That same day, in response to Venezuela’s proposed measures, Guyanese President Dr. Mohamed Irfaan Ali released a statement to the people of Guyana:

“The measures announced are in blatant disregard of the order given by the International Court of Justice on December 1, 2023. Guyana views this as an imminent threat to its territorial integrity and will intensify precautionary measures to safeguard its territory.”

President Ali made it clear that Guyana was pursuing all diplomatic avenues available for dealing with this territorial threat: the United Nations Security Council, CARICOM, the OAS, the Commonwealth, and many of Guyana’s bilateral partners including the United States of America, Brazil, the United Kingdom, and France.

He advised that “the Guyana Defense Force is on full alert and has engaged its military counterparts including the US Southern Command.”

The Venezuelan Ministry of Foreign Affairs responded that “The Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela condemns the recent statements made by President Irfaan Ali, who, in a reckless manner, has given the green light to the presence of the United States Southern Command in the territory of the Guayana Esequiba region, over which Guyana maintains a de facto occupation and a territorial dispute with Venezuela.”

The Foreign Affairs Ministry further accused Guyana of “[a]cting under the mandate of the U.S. transnational ExxonMobil [by] opening the possibility of establishing military bases for an imperial power, thereby threatening the Zone of Peace outlined in this region.”

According to an Oil Price news report on December 7, ExxonMobil has refrained from commenting on the developing situation and Maduro’s accusations. “Border issues are matters for governments and appropriate international organizations to address,” their spokesperson told journalists earlier in the week.

Brazil, the United Kingdom, and the United States have all expressed concern about the growing tensions. During his December 6th call with President Ali, U.S. Secretary of State Antony J. Blinken reaffirmed the United States’ “unwavering support for Guyana’s sovereignty” and called for “a peaceful resolution to the dispute.”

On Thursday, December 7, the U.S. Embassy in Guyana issued a Press Release stating that “In collaboration with the Guyana Defense Force (GDF), the U.S. Southern Command (USSOUTHCOM) will conduct flight operations within Guyana on December 7. This exercise builds upon routine engagement and operations to enhance security partnership between the United States and Guyana, and to strengthen regional cooperation.” The Embassy further renewed its continued “commitment as Guyana’s trusted security partner and promoting regional cooperation and interoperability.”

This was not the first involvement of American military forces. A week before Venezuela’s December 3rd Referendum, the U.S. Army 1st Security Force Assistance Brigade (SFAB) met with the top brass of the Guyana Defense Force on November 27 and 28. As noted in a Press Release from the U.S. Embassy on November 28, the two forces “discussed upcoming engagements to include strategic planning sessions and processes to enhance both countries’ military readiness and capabilities to respond to security threats.”

During his telephone conversation on December 9 with Maduro, Brazilian President Lula da Silva called for dialogue and suggested that the current president of the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States (CELAC), Ralph Gonsalves, Prime Minister of Saint Vincent and the Grenadines, mediate on the matter between the two parties involved. Lula also reiterated that Brazil is available to support and accompany these initiatives and asked that there be no unilateral actions that would worsen the situation.

I first became aware of Guyana’s border dispute with Venezuela in 1970 when the leaders of the two nations signed the Protocol of Port-of-Spain (1970-1981), suspending Venezuela’s territorial claim for twelve years. I feared then for our security. The Guyana Defense Force was no match then—and now—against Venezuela’s relatively vast armed forces.

During the 1970s, there was talk within the government of then Prime Minister Forbes Burnham (1923-1985) to make “every citizen a soldier.” I didn’t know how, but I was ready to do whatever was needed to defend our country against a Venezuelan invasion. We rallied behind what became our new anthem “Not a Blade of Grass,” a song written by Dave Martin. Then, in December 1976, our government launched the Guyana People’s Militia (1976-1985). Its goals went beyond national defense and internal security to encompass uprooting the psychological effects of colonialism and building a new socialist society.

Much has changed since those early days of building a new socialist society. With Guyana’s new oil wealth, involving the presence of transnational oil corporations like ExxonMobil, the stakes have become higher. While I don’t believe that Guyana’s government has intentions of establishing U.S. army bases along its border with Venezuela, ExxonMobil will no doubt lobby the U.S. government for protection of its vast oil and gas assets in the offshore disputed region. The threat to the “Zone of Peace” across Latin America and the Caribbean Region now hangs in the balance. 

Learn More:

• Closed Consultations on the Territorial Dispute between Guyana and Venezuela, Security Council Report, December 8, 2023
• Guyana-Venezuela Border Dispute: Geneva Agreement of 1966
• International Court of Justice, Arbitral Award of 3 October 1899 (Guyana v. Venezuela)
• ExxonMobil – Guyana