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Guyana: Politics in the Workplace

05 Sunday Feb 2012

Posted by Rosaliene Bacchus in Guyana, Working Life

≈ Comments Off on Guyana: Politics in the Workplace

Tags

Dictatorship government, Dr. Walter Rodney, Father Bernard Darke, Human rights violations, Jonestown Massacre, Political victimization of academics, roman catholic church, University of Guyana, Vincent Teekah

University of Guyana Library (Photo posted on http://www.koorneef.net)

After the Jonestown Massacre on 18 November 1978, it became increasingly dangerous to criticize or oppose our dictatorship government. A new opposition party emerged under the co-leadership of Dr. Walter Rodney, a distinguished Afro-Guyanese historian, threatening the Afro-Guyanese government – put in power since 1965.

On another front, the Roman Catholic Church, through its weekly newspaper, continued to expose and attack the government’s human rights violations.

On 14 July 1979, during an orderly public demonstration, three thugs in the crowd attacked the Assistant Editor of the Catholic newspaper. A short distance away, Father Bernard Darke – a British Jesuit, teacher, and photographer for the Catholic newspaper – photographed the beating. On seeing Fr. Darke, the three thugs turned on him. After beating him, one of them stabbed him. Later that day, he died in the hospital from ruptured lungs.

The night of 24 October 1979 marked the end for the Minister of Education, Vincent Teekah. His shooting remains a mystery. Then, the following month, on November 18, the police gunned down a prominent member of Dr. Rodney’s party. Three months later, on 18 February 1980, two other members of the party escaped death at the hands of an unknown gunman. Ten days later, another activist was not so lucky.

During this period, I was working as an Assistant Librarian Trainee (1979-1980) at the University of Guyana Library to gain my certification in Library Studies.

As Dr. Rodney enjoyed great support among the academic staff and students, the University of Guyana became a stage for political activism and dissension. As a government-run institution, the university also had a strong government presence. It soon became evident that I could not trust my work colleagues.

For upholding the library regulations, activists of the two major opposition parties labeled me a government supporter. This attitude mystified me. Caught in a photograph (published in a local newspaper) sitting next to a government minister at a cultural event did not help my precarious position. On the other hand, my criticisms of government policies made me an enemy of our Comrade Leader’s supporters in the Circulation Department under my supervision.

My tolerance limit reached its peak after I took a stand for fairness and justice in the workplace. I joined the strike of academic and other staff and students in protesting the contract termination of one of the university’s top lecturers, a vocal activist of Dr. Rodney’s party. As for other colleagues who participated in the strike, our workplace became treacherous – a political cesspool.

On 13 June 1980 came Dr. Walter Rodney’s turn to meet his maker. A remote controlled car bomb took his life. To this day, his assassination remains unresolved. I joined the procession of an estimated 15,000 Guyanese of all races to pay tribute to a man willing to risk his life to free us from tyranny and chart a new course.

My hope for a better Guyana – where individuals of all races could contribute their talents and skills towards building our nation – died with Dr. Walter Rodney. Four months after his assassination, I dropped out of the Library Training Program and returned to working as a secretary in the private sector. I joined the ranks of university graduates marginalized in our native land.

In January 2012, the University of Guyana Council terminated the contract of its most vocal academic critic of the ruling Indo-Guyanese party – in power since 1992. Academic staff, workers, and students are on strike against the victimization of academics for their political stance or opinions and the government’s infringement on the university’s academic and administrative freedom.

We change our shoes but continue to trample the same beaten paths.

Corruption in the Brazilian Workplace

18 Sunday Sep 2011

Posted by Rosaliene Bacchus in Brazil, Working Life

≈ 4 Comments

Tags

Brazilian bureaucracy, Burocracia brasileira, Corruption in Brazil, Dictatorship government, Middle Class, Super-rich elites, Survival in a corrupt society, Working Class

Source: Protests against Corruption throughout Brazil during Independence Celebrations, RondoniaVip, Brazil, 7 September 2011

Corruption has many faces.  Our governments are corrupt when they sell arms to dictatorship governments that serve the interests of their nations. Our
governments are also corrupt when they rig elections in order to stay in power.
Our elected politicians are corrupt when they abuse the power invested in them
for their own interests. Our corporate executives and business owners are corrupt when they lavish politicians with luxury gifts or large sums of money to have them pass laws that will benefit their business enterprises. We, as individuals, are corrupt when we pay bribes to government officials for personal benefits.

Having lived for 28 years under a dictatorship government, I was well aware of the abuses of political power in stealing public funds and foreign aid for personal enrichment, and in silencing political rivals and opposition activists. To survive, I was complicit with my silent acceptance of corruption.

Nevertheless, when I started working in Brazil, I was not prepared for the endemic government corruption that had trickled down into the workplace and sprouted roots. This went far beyond the workers’ silent complicity. This was participation in corrupt activities for survival within a corrupt society – a society of glaring socio-economic inequality between the minority super-rich elites and the majority working class. (During the period 1987 to 2003 when I lived in Brazil, the middle class was insignificant in number.)

The sluggish, heavy-weight Brazilian bureaucracy fed corruption. Burocracia brasileira was a bad-word bounced around the workplace like a soccer ball. Bureaucracy forced many entrepreneurs and corporate executives to bribe government employees (a lifetime position) at all levels to do their jobs in processing the myriad documents required for starting up and operating a business, and, for importers and exporters, obtaining an import license or clearing your goods at the port.

Government auditors inspecting your company’s accounts could find discrepancies that required the payment of high fines – errors that could disappear with a bribe of a much smaller sum.

To reduce the heavy burden of countless taxes at all levels of production and commercialization that stifle the growth of small and medium-sized businesses, many business owners resort to maintaining two separate ledgers – Caixa 1 and Caixa 2 – one with the correct values; the other for taxation and auditing.

Impunity of top government officials, corrupt attorneys, and a comatose judicial system make it difficult to curb corruption. Whistleblowers and witnesses can be neutralized or eliminated. Court documents can disappear.

Newly-elected President Dilma Rousseff has taken a courageous suicidal step in trying to scourge corruption from her government. The growing middle class has joined her in public protests for an end to corruption. But the cancerous cells of corruption cannot be destroyed overnight. It is a painful, slow process towards recovery and transparency.

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